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                                                                <h1 class="title">As Others See Us: Competing Visions of a Sanitized War</h1>
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      <p><P><strong>Book excerpt from <a href="/books/wmd.html">Weapons of Mass Deception: The Uses of Propaganda           in Bush's War on Iraq</a><br>           by Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber</strong>
<p><font size="+2">L</font>ike all good television, the war in Iraq had         a dramatic final act, broadcast during prime time--the sunlight gleaming         over the waves as the president's fighter jet, with his name and the         words "Commander in Chief" painted below the pilot's window, descended         from the sky onto the USS Abraham Lincoln. The plane zoomed in, snagged         a cable stretched across the flight deck and screeched to a stop, and         Bush bounded out, dressed in a snug-fitting olive-green flight suit with         his helmet tucked under his arm. He strode across the flight deck, posing         for pictures and shaking hands with the crew of the carrier. He had even         helped fly the jet, he told reporters. "Yes, I flew it," he said. "Yeah,         of course, I liked it." Surrounded by gleaming military hardware and         hundreds of cheering sailors in uniform, and with the words "Mission         Accomplished" emblazoned on a huge banner at his back, he delivered a         stirring speech in the glow of sunset that declared a "turning of the         tide" in         the war against terrorism. "We have fought for the cause of liberty,         and for the peace of the world," Bush said. " Because of you, the tyrant         has fallen, and Iraq is free." </p>
<p><P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>After the day's festivities, the Democrats got their chance         to complain, calling Bush's Top Gun act a "tax-subsidized commercial" for         his upcoming re-election campaign. They estimated that it had cost $1         million to orchestrate all of the details that made the picture look         so perfect. Although White House officials originally claimed that the         Navy jet was necessary, they later admitted that the aircraft carrier         was close enough to shore that a helicopter would have worked just fine.         It was so close to shore, in fact, that the aircraft carrier had to be         repositioned in the water to keep the TV cameras from picking up the         San Diego shoreline. In order to get the light just right and keep the         ship from arriving at port before the prime-time broadcast, a Pentagon         official admitted, the USS Abraham Lincoln made "lazy circles" 30 miles         at sea and took 20 hours to cross a distance that could have been covered         in an hour or so. Commanders gauged the wind and glided along at precisely         that speed so sea breezes would not blow across the ship and create unwanted         noise during Bush's speech. When the wind shifted during the speech,         the ship changed course.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>In the end, though, the spin doctors agreed that the images         would stay in the minds of the American people. "It was a pretty darn         good photo-op," commented Mike McCurry, President Clinton's former public         relations advisor.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>"This one is right up there at the top," said Michael Deaver,         the former PR man for Ronald Reagan. "It's a great image. It shows American         strength, victory. It shows a young president with the courage to do         something like this."       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>"This was not just a speech but a patriotic spectacular, with         the ship and its crew serving as crucial backdrops for Bush's remarks,         something to cheer the viewing nation and to make Bush look dramatically         commander-in-chiefly," wrote Washington Post TV critic Tom Shales. &quot;There         were several eloquent turns of phrase in the address ... but they were         overwhelmed by the visual impact, pictures both vast and intimate. ...         Everything seemed to go gorgeously right for Bush. Even the pre-sunset         lighting was perfect."<br />
<h2>Brain Salad Surgery</h2>
<p>       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>"You have shown the world the skill and might of the American         armed forces," Bush declared during his speech aboard the carrier. "Today         ... with new tactics and precision weapons, we can achieve military objectives         without directing violence against civilians. No device of man can remove         the tragedy from war. Yet it is a great advance when the guilty have         far more to fear from war than the innocent."       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>As comforting as these words may have seemed to people in         the United States, however, the Bush speech sent a different message         internationally. Ever since the first US-led war in the Persian Gulf,         the United States has won victories with overwhelming displays of military         force. From the perspective of many people outside the United States,         however, this is precisely the problem, and the military hardware with         which Bush surrounded himself struck them as something to fear, not cheer.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>The rest of the world did not experience the war as the clean,         surgical operation that was presented on U.S. television, where major         media outlets cited reasons such as taste, news judgment or concern about         offending viewers to explain why they rarely showed images of dead and         injured civilians. "It's something we wrestle with every day," said Cecilia         Bohand, foreign pictures editor for the New York Times. "We're not trying         to run posters for the Army, which sometimes it does feel like when we're         not running [images of] the other side. Some of us feel we should be         a little more graphic." She added that readers reacted with anger on         those occasions when the Times did push the envelope by publishing a         picture of a dead soldier or a dead child. "We're flooded with letters," Bohand         said. "Readers don't want to see it."       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>"It really is disgustingly sanitized on television," said         Gene Bolles, the chief of neurosurgery at Landstuhl, Germany, the destination         for the war's most wounded soldiers. Bolles, who operated on Jessica         Lynch and other US casualties, said he had seen "a number of really horrific         injuries now from the war. They have lost arms, legs, hands, they have         been burned, they have had significant brain injuries and peripheral         nerve damage. These are young kids that are going to be, in some regards,         changed for life. I don't feel that people realize that."       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Writing in the public relations trade press, British-born         writer Paul Holmes warned that "we are watching a totally different war         from the one seen by the rest of the world," which "has serious long-term         implications. It can only deepen the rift between the way the US sees         its role in the world and the way the rest of the world sees us. It can         also lead to more miscalculations, like the assumption that American         invaders would be welcomed as liberators. There may not be much anyone         can do at this stage about our image overseas (not that anyone in this         administration seems to care), but the US media isn't doing the public         any favors by refusing to depict the grim realities of war."<br />
<h2>Cluster Bombs</h2>
<p>       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>To get a sense of the difference between US and international         patterns in covering the war, we used the Lexis-Nexis database to compile         a list of news stories that contained the phrases "cluster bombs" and "Iraq" during         the period from April 3 through April 10, 2003. This period of time was         significant because it marked the tail end of the war (the U.S. occupation         of Baghdad began on April 9), and also included the first admission by         U.S. and British generals that they were using conventional cluster bombs.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Human rights organizations and international relief agencies         including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Oxfam International,         Christian Aid and Save the Children have condemned the use of cluster         bombs because they kill indiscriminately. Each cluster bomb contains         about 200 bomblets the size of a soda can, which disperse upon impact         and saturate an area the size of two football fields with explosives         and tiny flying shards of steel. Between 5 and 15 percent of the bomblets         fail to detonate immediately, leaving behind a deadly litter of unexploded         bombs that can continue killing people who happen to encounter them after         the battle has ended. "Cluster bombs have a very bad reputation, which         they deserve," says Colin King, author of <em>Jane's Explosive Ordnance         Disposal Guide</em> and a British Army bomb-disposal expert from the 1991 Persian Gulf         War. Regarded as anti-personnel weapons in the same class as land mines,         they have been banned by more than 100 nations in a treaty that the United         States has refused to sign. Their use remains legal, therefore, but highly         controversial.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>During the eight-day period we examined, U.S. publications         only mentioned cluster bombs 120 times, even though they accounted for         2,044 of the publications archived in the Lexis-Nexis database. By comparison,         Australian and European publications carried 394 stories, while accounting         for 673 of the publications listed. In simple ratio terms, this means         that European and Australian publications were ten times as likely to         mention cluster bombs as their American counterparts.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Numbers alone, however, do not tell the full story. Most of         the stories that appeared in U.S. publications mentioned cluster bombs         only in passing, characterizing reports of their use as the Iraqi "government         line" or making cursory, one-sentence mentions, as in a New York Times         report on April 8 that said American officials "are investigating reports         that cluster bombs were used against villages." Several mentions consisted         of denials that cluster bombs were being used, references to their use         in other wars, or criticisms of their use by Saddam Hussein in past attacks         on Kurds and Shiites.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Asked about reports of civilian deaths from cluster bombs         in the Hilla region south of Baghdad, US Brigadier General Vincent Brooks         responded, "I don't have any specifics about that particular attack and         the explosions that would link it to cluster munitions at all." His comments         were quickly contradicted by the International Committee of the Red Cross         (ICRC), which sent a four-person team to Hilla and found what ICRC spokesman         called a "horror" littered with "dozens of smashed corpses." Amnesty         International also investigated and reported as follows:<br />
<blockquote>
<p><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>The scenes at al-Hilla's hospital on 1 April showed that something           terrible had happened. The bodies of the men, women and children--both           dead and alive--brought to the hospital were punctured with shards of           shrapnel from cluster bombs. Videotape of the victims was judged by Reuters           and Associated Press editors as being too awful to show on television.           Independent [UK] newspaper journalists reported that the pictures showed           babies cut in half and children with their limbs blown off. Two lorry-loads           of bodies, including women in flowered dresses, were seen outside the           hospital.         </p>
<p><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Injured survivors told reporters how the explosives fell "like           grapes" from the sky, and how bomblets bounced through the windows           and doors of their homes before exploding. A doctor at al-Hilla's hospital           said that almost all the patients were victims of cluster bombs. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Even after admitting that cluster bombs were being used, military         spokesmen declined throughout the war to say how many were used, saying         merely that "an unspecified number of cluster bombs have been fired on         Iraq." Other mentions in the US press consisted of statements that talked         only about efforts to protect U.S. soldiers from cluster bombs, without         mentioning who was dropping them. Several stories, for example, focused         on a soldier who suffered a foot injury after stepping on an unexploded         bomblet. A San Francisco Chronicle report praised soldiers' Kevlar jackets,         which help protect them against shrapnel injuries from grenades and cluster         bombs.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>After the fighting ended, some U.S. media outlets began to         report on aspects of the war that they had avoided while the fighting         was actually occurring. On April 28, the Chicago Tribune published a         picture of the burial of 6-year-old Lamiya Ali, an Iraqi girl who was         killed along with with her 8-year-old sister, when she mistook a bomblet         for a toy. Several readers, noted Tribune editor Don Wycliff, called         to complain about the photos, calling them "graphic" and "extremely disturbing" and         saying they showed "no respect for taste or morals, or that poor child's         life." In response, Malone pointed out that during the entire war, the         Tribune's front page had shown "fewer than six" pictures of "dead or         grievously wounded bodies."       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Air Force General Richard B. Myers, chairman of the Joint         Chiefs of Staff, told reporters on April 25 that 1,500 cluster bombs         had been used during the war but that only 26 had fallen in civilian         areas and that there was only one case of death or injury to a noncombatant.         However, Myers' statistic referred only to cluster bombs dropped from         airplanes and did not include weapons fired from land-based artillery.         In the town of Karbala alone, local civil defense workers engaged in         postwar cleanup reported harvesting about 1,000 unexploded cluster bombs         a day in places the US said were not targets. "His remarks came amid         persistent reports from Baghdad that children and other civilians are         being killed or maimed by bomblets that did not explode when they hit         their initial targets," reported Los Angeles Times writer Greg Miller. "Myers'         assertions were challenged by human rights organizations, which said         they had learned Friday of new injuries to civilians in Baghdad and other         Iraqi cities. ... Human Rights Watch and other organizations, as well         as doctors in Baghdad, have reported hundreds of casualties from cluster         bombs or similar devices."<br />
<h2>The Arab View</h2>
<p>       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Just as hyper-patriotism has become a successful marketing         strategy for the American media, an equal and opposite phenomenon has         been occurring in the Muslim and Arab world, where anti-Americanism has         become the best formula to win ratings. When Arab reporters talked about "weapons         of mass destruction" during the Iraq war, they were sometimes referring         to cluster bombs. "Arab TV, the networks most prominently led by Al-Jazeera         but also including Abu Dhabi TV and others, has clearly emerged as a         geopolitical force," noted former FCC chairman Reed Hunt. "This TV, principally         by and for Arab audiences, has seen the war through different lenses         from those covering the American audience's war. Arab TV has naturally         reached an audience willing to accept a view of the war from the defenders'         side just as American TV has been broadcast to an audience prone to an         opposing view. The natural tendencies of the different audiences, though,         have not been challenged by their respective TV mediums but apparently         have been exacerbated."       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>"To fully understand this war and its consequences, it's necessary         to watch both Arab and American television," said Rami G. Khouri, a political         scientist and editor of the Daily Star in Beirut, Lebanon. Khouri spent         the war scanning daily through 20 different Arab and American TV services         and found it a "painful exercise, because the business of reporting and         interpreting the serious news of war has been transformed into a mishmash         of emotional cheerleading, expressions of primordial tribal and national         identities, overt ideological manipulation by governments and crass commercial         pandering to the masses in pursuit of audience share and advertising         dollars." The pattern, he said, was similar on both sides of the ideological         divide: "Arab television channels display virtually identical biases         and omissions, including: heavy replaying of film of the worst Iraqi         civilian casualties; interviews with guests who tend to be critical of         the United States; hosts and anchors who jump to debate rather than interview         American guests; [and] taking Iraqi and other Arab government statements         at face value with little probing into their accuracy."       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>During the war, Al-Jazeera reported a tripling of traffic         to its Arab-language web site. Its willingness to broadcast images that         American networks chose not to display contributed to its popularity.         The Google and Lycos search engines reported that "Al Jazeera" had become         the most common search term entered by web surfers, with three times         more searches than "sex." Simultaneously, Al-Jazeera became a target         of hacker attacks that kept its English-language site unavailable throughout         most of the war and knocked down its Arabic-language site for nearly         a week. "No one has ever sustained a crippling attack against a web site         for so long," noted USA Today.<br />
<blockquote>
<p><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>The Lexis-Nexis database contained only a handful of examples           of Arab media coverage of the war, but we can get a sense of what Arabs           were watching on a daily basis from the following description by British           journalist Robert Fisk of video footage shot by the al-Jazeera cable           network:         </p>
<p><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>A remarkable part of the Al-Jazeera tape shows fireballs blooming             over western Basra and the explosion of incoming--and presumably           British--shells. The short sequence of the dead British soldiers for           the public showing,             of which Prime Minister Tony Blair expressed such horror, is little           different from dozens of similar clips of dead Iraqi soldiers shown           on British             TV over the past 12 years, pictures that never drew any expressions           of condemnation from Blair. ... Far more terrible than the pictures           of the dead British soldiers, however, is the tape from Basra's largest           hospital       as victims of the Anglo American bombardment are brought to the operating           rooms shrieking in pain. A middle-aged man is carried into the hospital           in pajamas,       soaked head to foot in blood. A little girl of perhaps 4 is brought into           the operating room on a trolley, staring at a heap of her own intestines           protruding       from the left side of her stomach. A blue-uniformed doctor pours water           over the little girl's guts and then gently applies a bandage before           beginning surgery.       ...</p>
<p><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Other harrowing scenes show the partially decapitated body           of a little girl, her red scarf still wound round her neck. Another small           girl was lying on a stretcher with her brain and left ear missing. Another           dead child had its feet blown away. There was no indication whether U.S.           or British ordnance had killed these children. The tapes give no indication           of Iraqi military casualties.         </p>
</blockquote>
<p>       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>In the American press, al-Jazeera's emphasis was frequently         dismissed as evidence of its ideological bias. But bias is itself a highly         subjective term. Arab journalists would tell you the same thing that         American journalists say in response to similar complaints--that they         are simply giving their viewers the coverage they want, and that it is         the American media that is biased and politically sanitized. The memories         that most Americans will remember from the war will likely be the toppling         of Saddam Hussein's statue, the rescue of American POWs, and soldiers'         joyful homecoming reunions with their families. In the Arab world, the         image that come to mind will include: the Iraqi boy who lost both of         his arms and most of his family in a bombing raid; the Baghdad skyline         lit up by bombing; humiliated Iraqi prisoners of war; and angry anti-American         protests in the streets.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>In Saudi Arabia, Los Angeles Times writer Kim Murphy witnessed         the effect of those images when she visited the conservative Muslim city         of Buraydah on April 5. There, she said, "the war in Iraq is gaining         new converts every day. ... If hundreds of young men here haven't left         for Baghdad to fight the Americans, it is only because they haven't the         means to get there. ... As television images of the war settle over an         increasingly uneasy Arab public, the growing sense of anger and frustration         is felt especially keenly." At mosques throughout the town, she reported, "the         noonday air was screeching with dozens of sermons" from clergy like Sheik         Suleiman Alwan.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>"America and their allies, hell is their destination for the         crimes they have committed," Alwan said.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>Suleiman Alwan's name is worth noticing. He was one of the         sheiks mentioned in December 2001 on the video footage captured in Afghanistan         by U.S. soldiers in which Osama bin Laden and several supporters celebrated         the 9/11 attacks. An unidentified Saudi sheik who appeared in the video         told bin Laden that "Everybody praises what you did," and mentioned Alwan         by name as someone who had given a sermon saying that "this was jihad         and those people [killed in the terrorist attack] were not innocent." In         fact, one of the 9/11 hijackers, Abdulaziz Alomari, is believed to have         been a personal disciple of Alwan and was considered one of his brightest         students.       <P><B><img src="/files/images/space.gif" width="24" height="1" alt="" align="BOTTOM"></B>If we have indeed "turned the tide" in the war on terror,         as President Bush declared in his speech aboard the aircraft carrier,         we should expect that preachers of hatred like Suleiman Alwan are no         longer recruiting new converts to serve as foot soldiers and martyrs.         The fact that this has not happened suggests that promises of victory         are premature.</p>
<div class="epublish_navigation"><h3>Published in <a href="/cmd/prwatch.html">PR Watch</a>, <a href="/epublish/1/33">Second Quarter 2003, Volume 10, No. 2</a></h3><br/>
<div class="item-list"><ul><li class="first last">Previous story: <a href="/prwissues/2003Q2/fools.html">Fools Rush In: The Militia Movement and Klamath Falls</a></li>
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