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td.alt-noimage { background-image: none; }
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a.shade:active, a.shade:hover { color: #CE5E0C; text-decoration: underline; }
.tcat .shade, .thead .shade, .tfoot .shade { color: #DDDDDD; }
.underline { text-decoration: underline; }


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.dcc {
background-image: url(images/orange_g/gradients/dc_centre.gif); 
height: 5px; 
font-size: 1px; 
line-height: 1px;
padding: 0px 0px 0px 0px;
}
.dcg {
float: left; 
background-image: url(images/orange_g/gradients/dc_gauche.gif); 
width: 20px; 
height: 5px;
}
.dcd {
float: right; 
background-image: url(images/orange_g/gradients/dc_droite.gif); 
width: 20px; 
height: 5px;
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.navbar_y {
background: #000000;
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/* ***** navigation roll-overs element */

.navbar_button {

height: 45px;
color: #ffffff;
font-family: Tahoma, Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;
font-size: 10px;
font-weight: bold;
text-align: center;
margin: 0px;
padding: 0px;
border: 2px;
}

.navbar_button a:link , .navbar_button a:visited {
float: left;
display: block;
background-image: url(images/orange_g/gradients/navb_center.gif);
color: #ffffff;
font-family: Tahoma, Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;
font-size: 9px;
font-weight: bold;
line-height: 43px;
text-align: center;
text-decoration: none;
width: 82px;
height: 45px;
}

.navbar_button a:hover, .navbar_button a:active {
background-image: url(images/orange_g/gradients/nav_over.gif);
color: #F07824;
text-decoration: none;
line-height: 45px;
width: 82px;
height: 45px;
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				<strong>Prostitution, for fun and profit</strong>
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			<b><br />
Prostitution, for fun and profit</b><br />
<br />
<i>The men behind Freakonomics offer a stunningly shallow and flawed view of sex work as a career option for women</i><br />
<br />
          o Sady Doyle<br />
          o guardian.co.uk, Thursday 22 October 2009 10.30 BST<br />
<br />
<br />
Good news, ladies. You, too, can make millions by charging for sex! And you'll just have a slam-bang, gee-golly splendiferous time doing it, too � at least if you absolutely adore the sort of men who pay for it. Be warned, however: Disliking those men will consign you to the minimum-wage ranks of sex professionals, forever longing for the big bucks you could be earning, had you only an appropriately chipper attitude.<br />
<br />
Such is the advice of Steven Levitt and Stephen Dubner, of Freakonomics fame. They are back with a new book, Superfreakonomics, and recently they unveiled a bit of it in the form of an excerpt about how to succeed as a prostitute.<br />
<br />
Freakonomics, of course, is the science of choosing an appropriately wacky or controversial subject (sumo wrestlers, abortion), applying a little economic analysis to it and coming up with a shocking conclusion that will make people blog about you. In that respect, the how-to-charge-for-sex piece was a no-brainer. Expressing any opinion about prostitution will bring on outrage (and attention) from one corner or another, no matter what your opinion turns out to be. Of course, if you are aiming for maximum impact, it helps to be � as Levitt and Dubner are � really, stunningly, remarkably wrong.<br />
<br />
Levitt and Dubner build their piece around a comparison of two prostitutes: Allie, who works from her bedroom and makes between $350 and $500 an hour, depending on the client, and LaSheena, who works on the streets and probably makes about $350 a week, based on statistics (some information � any information � as to LaSheena's specific circumstances and earnings probably would have helped the comparison, but Levitt and Dubner seem, in this instance as in many others, not to have bothered learning about their subject).<br />
<br />
LaSheena and Allie are the Goofus and Gallant of sex work, at least in the warped little scenario laid forth in the Superfreakonomics excerpt. Arising, as Levitt and Dubner seem to assume they do, from absolutely no context whatsoever (the fact that Allie is probably white, and that LaSheena is probably not, is never once addressed, for example; neither is the personal history of LaSheena explored in any detail, though we hear about Allie at excruciating length) they are not actual women so much as they are flattened-out, hollow caricatures of Success and Failure. Allie is a good prostitute; she has succeeded. LaSheena is a bad prostitute; she has failed.<br />
<br />
What has LaSheena done wrong, you ask? Simple: She doesn't like being a prostitute. &quot;I don't really like men,&quot; she is quoted as saying. This is an interesting statement, which the authors fail to follow up. Why doesn't LaSheena like men? Has she been beaten? Has she been raped? Is there a man taking a cut of her money? Was she forced into this job as a child by a man, by a boyfriend she loved, by sheer poverty? And has she seen the ugly side of men too often in this job to trust any?<br />
<br />
Hey, here's an interesting thought: Maybe LaSheena doesn't like men because she's trapped in a cycle of poverty, and one of the only ways for her to stay alive is to have sex with men, whether or not she really wants to. Maybe that's enough to make LaSheena dislike men. We'll never know, however, because Dubner and Levitt don't ask. They don't care to humanise her. She's the Goofus in the scenario. Her poverty � which is assumed to be entirely her fault � is only there to provide a counterpoint to Allie's shining example.<br />
<br />
Boy, oh, boy, does Allie ever love being a prostitute! Why, do you know that she just went ahead and did it on a whim, as a sexy adventure, and not because of any nasty old compelling factors like poverty or addiction or a man literally arranging for her to be raped over and over again and taking money from her rapists or anything like that? Well, it's true. The Freakonomics gentlemen said so!<br />
<br />
They make a point of letting us know that Allie &quot;liked men, and she liked sex&quot;. And do you know what men she especially likes? Why, her clients, of course. Allie &quot;is the kind of person who sees something good in everyone&quot;. Isn't that nice? She credits this for the fact that she is so successful � and so do Levitt and Dubner.<br />
<br />
Say, here's another nicety that Levitt and Dubner genuinely thought was a sane and intelligent thing to write down and publish: Allie's clients &quot;treat her, in many ways, as men are expected to treat their wives but often don't&quot;. And Allie, in return, is like the &quot;ideal wife&quot;, who &quot;is happy to see you every time you show up at her door. Your favourite music is already playing, and your favourite drink is on ice. She will never ask you to take out the rubbish.&quot;<br />
<br />
How this qualifies as wifely behaviour, outside of reruns of Father Knows Best, is unclear. But Levitt and Dubner seem genuinely convinced that this one-sided scenario of happy subjugation and infantile, pampered narcissism is good for everyone involved. Allie gets a MacBook! Doesn't that prove that it's working?<br />
<br />
Levitt and Dubner seem, at some point along the line, to have missed out on the fact that women have inner lives, lives which do not revolve entirely around servicing men and which may in fact require some servicing by men along the way. It's evident in the way they extol Allie for getting such unmitigated joy out of subjugating herself to her clients.<br />
<br />
It's also clear in the fact that they praise prostitution for allowing men to have sex without the &quot;the potential costs of an unwanted pregnancy&quot;. (Well, no, sex with prostitutes did not carry the potential costs of an unwanted pregnancy, for men. In fact, I've noticed that very few men tend to get pregnant as the result of sex, whether with prostitutes or with anyone else. Perhaps Levitt and Dubner can take some time, in their forthcoming book Superduperultrafreakonomics, to puzzle that one out for us.)<br />
<br />
It's clear in the way that they classify women who do not charge for sex as &quot;competition&quot; to prostitutes � as if those women were offering the same, or even comparable, experiences, and as if Levitt and Dubner genuinely cannot believe that sex is not a service performed for men by women, but a thing that women do for their own satisfaction.<br />
<br />
It's most clearly, cruelly evident in the way they blame LaSheena for her own poverty � placing the credit for it not on any of the multiple obstacles she may have had to overcome, but on the fact that she simply doesn't love to be a prostitute the way Allie does. Deep down, there is the assumption that servicing a man is all a woman can reasonably aspire to, and that those who don't love to do it are somehow faulty.<br />
<br />
And as for how much Allie loves to be a prostitute ... well, we don't have her direct testimony, do we? What we have is the word of two best-selling authors, which has been edited into book form. Allie's story is so romanticised that it seems unlikely the authors bore no agenda in their interviews � or that Allie, a woman whose job is to figure out what men want from her, was unaware of it.<br />
<br />
It's entirely possible that, faced with a couple of men who very clearly wanted one specific version of her story, she sized them up and did the same thing for them that she did for all her other clients. That is to say, she told them what they wanted to hear.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/oct/21/superfreakonomics-prostitution-dubner-levitt" target="_blank">Prostitution, for fun and profit | Sady Doyle | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk</a>
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			I like Freaknomics and, usually, i tend to agree with their pieces. The sumo one (and the one on cheating in general) is very good, imho.<br />
<br />
However, if they really came out with the story as described by Sady Dole, it's sad. And she'd be right.<br />
<br />
NB: I do think that any person who works in a service job and is good at making the customer feel welcome/wanted will do better than someone who doesn't. That's true for prostitution as well. But that has very little to do with LaSheena's failure vs. Allie's success. Too many other parameters (such as those mentioned by Ms Dole) are being ignored...
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			&nbsp;
			#<a href="http://thenewtopical.com/8754-post3.html" target="new"  id="postcount8754" name="3"><strong>3</strong></a> (<b><a href="http://thenewtopical.com/general-current-events/1538-prostitution-fun-profit.html#post8754" title="Link to this Post">permalink</a></b>) &nbsp;
			
			
			
			
			
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			I want to read what they actually wrote first, because I smell over-interpretation.<br />
<br />
Apart from anything else, it doesn't even seem like very good economics - which theory suggests that being happy will make you rich?
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			&nbsp;
			#<a href="http://thenewtopical.com/8771-post4.html" target="new"  id="postcount8771" name="4"><strong>4</strong></a> (<b><a href="http://thenewtopical.com/general-current-events/1538-prostitution-fun-profit.html#post8771" title="Link to this Post">permalink</a></b>) &nbsp;
			
			
			
			
			
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				<div class="smallfont">insignificant data point</div>
				
				

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			The chapter in the second book on climate change has received <a href="http://leftasanexercise.simulating-reality.com/?p=90" target="_blank">a pretty severe pasting</a>. I have seen suggestions that some chapters were written pretty much single handedly by Dubner, who is a journalist not an economist, and maybe they are stories concocted on not much evidence.<br />
<br />
In the first book, the chapter on Chicago crack dealers used detailed financial information from a gang that an associate of theirs had managed to get access to. Did they get access to the detailed financial records of the two sex workers or (if they worked in brothels) to the brothels' records? <br />
<br />
Doyle does not tell us. As Zichao says, we really need to see what Steve &amp; Steve actually wrote.
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			&nbsp;
			#<a href="http://thenewtopical.com/8772-post5.html" target="new"  id="postcount8772" name="5"><strong>5</strong></a> (<b><a href="http://thenewtopical.com/general-current-events/1538-prostitution-fun-profit.html#post8772" title="Link to this Post">permalink</a></b>) &nbsp;
			
			
			
			
			
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		Deep down, there is the assumption that servicing a man is all a woman can reasonably aspire to, and that those who don't love to do it are somehow faulty
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</table>.<br />
<br />
This conclusion does not seem to follow from what Doyle has previously written. Regardless of gender, it is true of a sex worker, chef, horse trainer or chartered accountant, that if they don't like what they do they are likely to be miserable in their work and have not very satisfied customers.
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			#<a href="http://thenewtopical.com/8777-post6.html" target="new"  id="postcount8777" name="6"><strong>6</strong></a> (<b><a href="http://thenewtopical.com/general-current-events/1538-prostitution-fun-profit.html#post8777" title="Link to this Post">permalink</a></b>) &nbsp;
			
			
			
			
			
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			Originally Posted by <strong>roadkill</strong>
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		.<br />
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This conclusion does not seem to follow from what Doyle has previously written. Regardless of gender, it is true of a sex worker, chef, horse trainer or chartered accountant, that if they don't like what they do they are likely to be miserable in their work and have not very satisfied customers.
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</table>But is that even the conclusion that's been drawn? If so it's bollocks.<br />
<br />
Seems more likely that it's actually &quot;if you work in crap conditions in a job that you don't like you'll be unhappy&quot;, but it's not like I needed a book to tell me that.
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			&nbsp;
			#<a href="http://thenewtopical.com/8785-post7.html" target="new"  id="postcount8785" name="7"><strong>7</strong></a> (<b><a href="http://thenewtopical.com/general-current-events/1538-prostitution-fun-profit.html#post8785" title="Link to this Post">permalink</a></b>) &nbsp;
			
			
			
			
			
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			Ive read neither their first book nor this one, but they really seem to have managed to screw up this time.  So I can't really say much about what they actually wrote, but despite that I think Doyles critique is probably sound; it covers ground that is quite typical of the attitude many men take toward sex workers, the general presumption that sex is a service women sell and men buy, and the limited vision of people who have learned economics but nothing else, and thus make sweeping credulous assumptions which ignore real human socialogy and psychology.<br />
<br />
<br />
<b>'Asking people to reduce their carbon emissions is a noble invitation, but as incentives go, it isn't a strong one'</b><br />
<br />
In their follow-up to Freakonomics, Superfreakonomics, Steven Levitt and Stephen Dubner put forward their solution to global warming &#8211; and some other startling facts<br />
<br />
          o Oliver Burkeman<br />
          o The Guardian, Monday 12 October 2009<br />
<br />
The man once described as the Indiana Jones of economists arrives for our interview in a bit of a shambles, which isn't the kind of entrance one associates with Indiana Jones. Steven Levitt has just left his suitcase in the back of a New York taxi, and now his container of apple juice is leaking all over the Manhattan office of his collaborator, journalist Stephen Dubner. &quot;Do you think I'll ever get it back?&quot; Levitt wonders absently, in a tone that suggests no personal investment in the outcome, while Dubner mops up the puddle.<br />
<br />
To be fair, of course, the action-hero analogy was never intended to describe Levitt's personal bearing: it was a reference to the swashbuckling spirit of the two men's bestselling book, Freakonomics, which took economics into uncharted territory, explaining such riddles as why sumo wrestlers deliberately lose matches, why estate agents don't get the best deals for their clients and why crack dealers, instead of growing rich, end up living with their mothers. Somewhere, no doubt, there are statistics on the fate of items abandoned in New York City cabs; Levitt, one of his generation's most ingenious economists, could presumably use them to ferret out proof that more suitcases get returned in sunny weather, or at Christmas, or when the taxi driver is the oldest child in his family.<br />
<br />
Haughty academic colleagues, poring over unemployment rates and balance-of-payments deficits, accuse Levitt of cutesiness. He has no big unifying theme, they say, and nothing to say about the world financial crisis: he would rather spend his days showing how winning the Nobel prize seems to increase your longevity, or explaining the changing price charged for oral sex by prostitutes on the streets of Chicago. Picking a fight with Levitt is a dissatisfying business, though, because he tends to agree with his accusers. &quot;To have a unifying theme, you need to be a big thinker, and that's just not the way I think,&quot; says the 42-year-old, who speaks with a slight lisp. &quot;I think small.&quot; When Dubner, 46, interviewed him for the New York Times article that led to their collaboration on Freakonomics, which has now sold more than 3m copies worldwide, Levitt was even blunter. &quot;I just don't know very much about the field of economics,&quot; he said.<br />
<br />
There is plenty more cutesiness &#8211; as well as much that's genuinely fascinating &#8211; in the sequel to Freakonomics, published this month, which labours under the title of Superfreakonomics: Global Cooling, Patriotic Prostitutes, and Why Suicide Bombers Should Buy Life Insurance. But there are also arguments that promise to expose its authors to a new kind of controversy. Levitt and Dubner may have nothing to say about the financial crisis, but they have much to say about climate change, and why, in their analysis, economics shows that trying to change people's polluting behaviour is utterly pointless. The real solution, they maintain, involves pumping large quantities of sulphur dioxide into the stratosphere through an 18-mile-long hose, of which more later. &quot;We could end this debate and be done with it,&quot; Levitt says, with a sigh, &quot;and move on to problems that are harder to solve.&quot;<br />
<br />
People will object to this, they acknowledge, just like they objected to the claim, in Freakonomics, that the legalisation of abortion in the 1970s was the reason for the precipitous drop in crime levels in America in the 1990s. (Unwanted children, according to this theory, are more likely to turn into criminals, so when they don't get born in the first place, crime falls.) But to Levitt and Dubner, such objections are pure emotionalism. Their job, as dispassionate analysts, is to take a cold-eyed look at how things really are, not how we would like them to be, and to deliver difficult truths with no regard for hurt feelings. &quot;The data,&quot; they write, in the kind of phrase that recurs throughout Superfreakonomics, &quot;don't lie.&quot;<br />
<br />
<b>Prostitutes, suicide bombers and swimming-pool deaths</b><br />
<br />
Thus in the new book we learn, for example, that more deaths are caused per mile, in America at least, from drunk walking than drunk driving &#8211; so when you drive to a party and get plastered, it's not necessarily a wise decision to leave the car and walk home. We discover that female emergency-room doctors are slightly better at keeping their patients alive than male ones, and that Hezbollah suicide bombers, far from being the poorest of the poor, with nothing to lose, tend to be wealthier and better-educated than the average Lebanese person. There's an artful takedown of the fashionable &quot;locavore&quot; movement: transportation, Levitt and Dubner argue, accounts for such a small part of food's carbon footprint that buying all-local can make matters worse, because small farms use energy less efficiently than big ones. And we learn that at some point in the last 80 years, the cost of a blowjob from a Chicago prostitute went from being more expensive to less expensive than vaginal sex, as the societal taboo against oral sex &#8211; which gave it scarcity value &#8211; declined. (The average price of each, in case you were wondering, is currently $37.26 versus $80.05.)<br />
<br />
Levitt had a thing for statistics long before his passion made him a tenured professor of economics at the University of Chicago at just 36, and won him the prestigious John Bates Clark medal, awarded to the best American economist under 40. &quot;I was an odd child,&quot; Levitt says, and perhaps some kind of oddness was to be expected: his mother is a psychic, his father the world's leading expert on the science of farts. &quot;My favourite thing to do was always just to go play in my room by myself, and it was always data-related . . . Every day, when my father came home from work, my job was to report the correlation coefficients between various baseball statistics.&quot;<br />
<br />
As a Harvard undergraduate, he wrote a computer program to help his classmates decide how to pair off into groups of roommates, though it turned out that everybody disliked the same people &#8211; &quot;and so the optimal thing to do was to put all the people who were hated together, even though they hated each other worse than everybody else did.&quot; He made an academic name for himself with quirky studies on crime, sports and politics, identifying useful patterns in mountains of data that nobody had bothered to examine. Economic analysis, as a pastime, even seemed to provide him with a measure of solace in the face of the most searing loss. Shortly after he came to Chicago, he and his wife Jeanette lost their first child, Andrew, to pneumococcal meningitis at the age of one. They joined a support group for bereaved parents. Levitt was surprised by the number of attendees whose children had died in swimming-pool accidents, and became absorbed in a new research project, which revealed, when completed, how much more dangerous it is to have a swimming-pool at your home than a gun. Such findings caught the media's imagination. When publishers began to pressure him to write a mass-market book, he said he would only do so if he wrote it with Dubner, a magazine journalist with two book-length memoirs under his belt, whose 2003 piece on Levitt had convinced him that not all journalists were destined to misunderstand and misrepresent his work.<br />
<br />
Their mission to explain the world through numbers alone can give Superfreakonomics an oddly detached feel: major social issues are addressed, then instantly reduced to a statistical parlour game. An interesting section on the transactions between pimps and prostitutes, for example, shows that working with a pimp confers great financial advantages: they're much more helpful to prostitutes than estate agents are to house-sellers, for a start. But it neglects to consider the notion that there might, just possibly, be some negative aspects to the pimp-prostitute relationship. (The authors, apparently aware that they have made it look as if selling sex is the business plan to beat all others, add a helpful clarification: &quot;Certainly, prostitution isn't for every woman.&quot;)<br />
<br />
Based on interviews with a pseudonymous source in the British banking industry, they also suggest that a mathematical algorithm could be developed that would identify &quot;potential bad guys&quot; in advance, with reference to certain behavioural and demographic characteristics. Those arrested on charges of terrorism, they explain, are disproportionately likely to rent their home, have no savings account or life insurance, be a student, and have both Muslim first and last names. Superfreakonomics makes no mention of the possibility that the police might simply be targeting Muslims disproportionately, and Levitt seems genuinely baffled that anyone might object, on civil-liberties grounds, to targeting all those who fulfilled the relevant criteria.<br />
<br />
&quot;Isn't everyone in favour of that? How could you not be in favour of that? I'm not saying we should lock them up,&quot; he says. &quot;But would it not make sense for MI5 to take a close look at those people? Of course, it's a slight inconvenience to those innocents who have MI5 scrutinise them. But economics is all about trade-offs.&quot; Incidentally, this is why, according to the book's subtitle, &quot;suicide bombers should buy life insurance&quot;: it doesn't pay out in cases of suicide, so buying it would help evade suspicion.<br />
<br />
<b>Self-interest: an uncomfortable fact</b><br />
<br />
Despite the lack of a unifying theme, there's an underlying message to both books, according to Levitt and Dubner, which is that &quot;people respond to incentives&quot;. Fundamentally, we're self-interested. This doesn't necessarily mean that we're always greedy and selfish: our self-interest can include a desire for the warm glow of acting in a moral or charitable way. But people, they write, &quot;aren't 'good' or 'bad'. People are people, and they respond to incentives. They can nearly always be manipulated &#8211; for good or ill &#8211; if only you find the right levers.&quot; Or, as Levitt puts it: &quot;You could put Mother Teresa in a situation where she might not act altruistically, and you could put Charles Manson in a situation where he might act altruistically.&quot;<br />
<br />
The problem with trying to reduce carbon emissions, they argue, is that the incentives are all wrong. Too many of the benefits are &quot;externalities&quot;, from which the people making the sacrifices will never benefit &#8211; and the whole history of economics demonstrates that such completely unself-interested behaviour is impossible to implement on a large scale, especially when so many people suspect that their sacrifice would not, in fact, make a significant difference to the outcome. &quot;Behaviour change is hopeless,&quot; Levitt says. &quot;It's just completely pointless to think that you're going to get six billion people, the poorest people around and the richest people around, to work together, when every individual person has no impact on the problem. That's a fundamental issue that economists have thought about, and recognised the hopelessness of, for hundreds of years . . . One thing we know is that I'm not going to sacrifice, materially, my own life, to help an anonymous person in Bangladesh who might not even have been born yet, when I know that there will be no help for that person anyway.&quot; Calling on people to reduce their carbon emissions, the authors write, &quot;is a noble invitation. But as incentives go, it's not a very strong one.&quot;<br />
<br />
This, of course, is desperately tricky territory. My immediate personal response is that Levitt's view is irresponsible defeatism, which I find repugnant. The Superfreakonomics response to that, though, would be to ask about the source of my repugnance. Is it really because I have any hard data to suggest that such massive behavioural change might be feasible &#8211; that it wouldn't, in other words, entail a historically unprecedented transformation in human nature? Or is it just because I don't want to confront the fact that people are the way they are, which is to say fundamentally self-interested?<br />
<b><br />
Sulphur dioxide: the quick fix for global warming</b><br />
<br />
A large chunk of Superfreakonomics is given over to what Levitt and Dubner present as a simple, cheap alternative to all this depressing futility. They profile Nathan Myhrvold, the former chief technology officer of Microsoft, whose company, Intellectual Ventures, is exploring the possibility of pumping large quantities of sulphur dioxide into the Earth's stratosphere through an 18-mile-long hose, held up by helium balloons, at an initial cost of around $20m. The chemical would reflect some of the sun's rays back into space, cooling the planet, exactly as happened following the massive 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo, in the Philippines. The primary objection to this plan, as with other &quot;geoengineering&quot; schemes, is that there's no predicting the unknown negative effects of meddling in such a complex natural system. And it's strange, given how much is made in both Freakonomics books of the law of unintended consequences, that they don't mention this in the context of Myhrvold's plan. Still, it's hard to object to the authors' argument that this kind of potential solution should have more profile, among politicians and in the media, than it currently does.<br />
<br />
It certainly feels wrong to deal with pollution by polluting even more. But what, Levitt and Dubner would ask, is the hard, empirical basis for that feeling? Isn't it just more emotionalism, more wishful thinking? &quot;When you read the actual scientists' reasoning for how this could work, and might need to work,&quot; says Dubner, &quot;it's really hard not to come to the conclusion that it's idiotic to discount it. Not to say that it's a slam-dunk to do it, but idiotic to discount it entirely.&quot;<br />
<br />
&quot;It's just common sense,&quot; Levitt says, with the faint exasperation of a man who sees the world in the harsh light of data, and can't quite understand why everyone else does not. &quot;Much of economics is just common sense. What's so surprising is that it is so rarely actually applied in daily life.&quot;<br />
<br />
SuperFreakonomics by Steven Levitt &amp; Stephen Dubner is published by Allen Lane, price �20. Levitt and Dubner will be speaking at the LSE, Peacock Theatre, London on Monday 9 November at 6.30pm.<br />
<br />
---<br />
<br />
Lets just look at that headline claim - asking people to reduce emissions is noble but a poor incentive.  What, saving your own life is not a good incentive?  The problem is not, in fact, with the incentive, but witrh its immediacy and interpretation.<br />
<br />
The sulphur dioxide thing is just crazy, if only for one main reason: it's not reversible.  And unless and until we have a much better understanding of climate processes, doiing anything of that scale we can't undo would be sheer madness.  As such, presenting it as a cheap and easy solution that is being ignored by vested interests is delusional in the extreme.
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			<b>Freakonomics without the facts</b><br />
<br />
<i>Steven Levitt and Stephen Dubner's bogus claims on climate change have riled up scientists. Maybe that was the point</i><br />
<br />
          o Kate Sheppard<br />
          o guardian.co.uk, Friday 23 October 2009 10.30 BST<br />
<br />
I thought I had read enough about Superfreakonomics and its horrifyingly ignorant chapter on climate change to prepare myself for the actual text. But nothing could prepare me for the assault on science, logic and the English language that is this excerpt.<br />
<br />
Steven Levitt and Stephen Dubner managed to pull together just over 43 pages on science they clearly don't understand, with contradictory assumptions, clich�s and gimmicky analogies. The chapter reads like a student term paper, a compilation of various factoids accumulated over the semester but displaying no real grasp of the subject matter. The logical leaps between sentences and at times bizarre sentence structure make me wonder if they actually farmed this chapter out to an undergraduate.<br />
<br />
The scientific flaws are numerous, starting with the claim that the majority of scientists worried about global cooling just a few decades ago. This idea, based largely on a 1975 Newsweek story, is categorically false. It was never a widely accepted idea, and besides, the magazine has since acknowledged that the projections in the story cited so often in this chapter were &quot;spectacularly wrong&quot;.<br />
<br />
Levitt and Dubner also seem to think that scientists are not aware that water vapour exists, which, I assure you, isn't the case, and they argue that carbon dioxide was not responsible for historical warming, when, in fact, it was.<br />
<br />
All of these are things that a simple deployment of The Google might have helped them avoid, but they don't seem very interested in facts. I won't dwell on the scientific flaws, as actual scientists have covered them quite well already (see William Connolley, Joe Romm and Melanie Fitzpatrick to start).<br />
<br />
Besides, Levitt and Dubner are economists. I can forgive them for some misunderstanding. I'm more interested in their blatant disregard for the truth. They came into the chapter, it seems, believing that global warming science has &quot;taken on the feel of a religion&quot;, are they wanted to seek out the &quot;heretics&quot;.<br />
<br />
Problem is, even one of the main &quot;heretics&quot; they cite says his work and statements were taken out of context. Ken Caldeira, a climate scientist at Stanford University, says that Superfreakonomics includes &quot;many errors&quot; as well as a &quot;major error&quot; in claiming that he downplays the role of carbon dioxide in warming.<br />
<br />
What's truly offensive is the response from Dubner and Levitt as their numerous errors have been exposed. Rather than contend with the science, Dubner and Levitt took to their blog to call their critics names and write them off as &quot;activists&quot;. The chapter, Dubner wrote, &quot;will likely produce a lot of shouting, name-calling and accusations ranging from idiocy to venality.&quot;<br />
<br />
&quot;It is curious that the global-warming arena is so rife with shrillness and ridicule,&quot; he ponders. &quot;Where does this shrillness come from? Some say that left-leaning activists have merely borrowed their right-leaning competitors from years past. A reasonable conjecture?&quot;<br />
<br />
It might also be a reasonable conjecture that there are a number of scientists out there who are deeply concerned about the misinformation that the duo wantonly spreads. Levitt and Dubner have doubled down as the criticism has increased, accusing their critics of trying to &quot;smear&quot; them. They also don't deal with Caldeira's concerns about the misrepresentation of his work, and instead treat it as a difference of opinion � not grossly misstated &quot;facts&quot;.<br />
<br />
And then, over the weekend, they officially jumped the shark. On Saturday, Levitt appeared on National Public Radio's Weekend Edition programme. Near the end of the segment, host Scott Simon referenced a critique of the chapter from the Union of Concerned Scientists. Levitt took to his blog shortly thereafter, alleging that environmental bullies forced NPR to note the critiques. &quot;A well-known environmental-advocacy group pressured NPR into reading a statement critical of the book,&quot; he wrote.<br />
<br />
It's hard to know whether all this chatter about how badly Levitt and Dubner screwed up the science of climate change will hurt or help them. They sold four million copies of their last book, and I would never have picked up this new one had it not been for all the hubbub. I'm sure I'm not the only one.<br />
<br />
Of course, this is the sole goal of this kind of gimmicky book aimed at people who don't actually understand economics, the environment or whatever other complicated topic they turn their pop lens to. That's how you sell books, and that seems to be their only goal here.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/oct/23/superfreakonomics-climate-change-levitt-dubner" target="_blank">Freakonomics without the facts | Kate Sheppard | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk</a>
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			Originally Posted by <strong>contracycle</strong>
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		Ive read neither their first book nor this one, but they really seem to have managed to screw up this time.  So I can't really say much about what they actually wrote, but despite that I think Doyles critique is probably sound; it covers ground that is quite typical of the attitude many men take toward sex workers, the general presumption that sex is a service women sell and men buy...
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</table>Coz that's not what happens? I mean, there are male prostitutes for the female market but I suspect it is dwarved in size by the female prostitutes for male clients market...<br />
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		Lets just look at that headline claim - asking people to reduce emissions is noble but a poor incentive.  What, saving your own life is not a good incentive?  The problem is not, in fact, with the incentive, but witrh its immediacy and interpretation.
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</table>That's what they said. They also emphasized the lack of self-interest in saving a third world person not yet born...<br />
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		The sulphur dioxide thing is just crazy, if only for one main reason: it's not reversible.  And unless and until we have a much better understanding of climate processes, doiing anything of that scale we can't undo would be sheer madness.  As such, presenting it as a cheap and easy solution that is being ignored by vested interests is delusional in the extreme.
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</table>Fair enough. Agreed on that one. However, they don't quite ask for it to be implemented but to for it to be taken more seriously. Still, I agree: It's certainly discounted because it sounds staggeringly dangerous...
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			Originally Posted by <strong>Zichao</strong>
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		But is that even the conclusion that's been drawn? If so it's bollocks.<br />
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Seems more likely that it's actually &quot;if you work in crap conditions in a job that you don't like you'll be unhappy&quot;, but it's not like I needed a book to tell me that.
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</table>I think they actually are indeed saying what RK is saying but I agree that it is self evident.
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