Summary of Events (1991-1997)

The one sided contract

Clearance for the contract

Public Opposition

Throw it in the Arabian Sea

Project cancelled

Project reinstated

Government guarantee

Financial trouble

What has been done?

Supreme Court refuses to take up the case.

Impact today

In 1991, under new policies announced by the Govt. of India, additional private sector participation was allowed in the power sector. 

On 15th June ’92, a team of Enron officials arrived in India. On 20th June, a US $35 billion Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed with the Maharashtra State Electricity Board (MSEB) for the Indian subsidiary of Enron, Dabhol Power Company (DPC), to build, own and operate a power station at Dabhol, Maharashtra with a minimum capacity of 2000MW.  

The one sided contract 

No other parties were invited to quote prices for this power plant. Enron's contract was signed without competitive bidding and in unseemly secrecy, violating all established norms. 

The terms include the import of nearly everything including the equipment and fuel, no transfer of technology and payments more or less totally in foreign exchange. 

The Enron plant would run on liquefied natural gas (LNG). LNG is produced by compressing natural gas at extremely cold temperatures (-165 degrees Celsius). The process of liquefying natural gas requires a capital investment of US $4 billion dollars. The transportation requires specially refrigerated ships, each of which costs about US $200 million. At the receiving end, specialized degasification terminals are needed to convert LNG back to natural gas for the power generation. 

Enron is the second largest producer of natural gas. 

There are enormous reserves of one of the world’s best qualities of coal at Chandrapur, Maharashtra. LNG costs about 4 times as much as coal.  

The contracted annual payments to Enron will absorb one-half of Maharashtra's entire budget expenditure. This will take away from government spending on education, healthcare and other essential civic services. Already, Maharashtra's tariff for industry is India's highest, and among the world's costliest. Annual payments to DPC start at about $1.4 billion (Rs.5, 000 crores) a year. 

The extraordinarily high costs of the project could result in MSEB’s inability to pay Enron its dues.   

If MSEB cannot pay Enron, the Maharashtra state government has signed a guarantee that makes it liable for all MSEB’s dues to Enron.  If the Government of Maharashtra cannot make these payments, the Government of India has staked all its assets (including those abroad, save diplomatic and military) as surety for the payments of the MSEB to Enron. 

The MoU with Enron states that Enron would be paid the same amount whether the MSEB consumes 50, 75 or 90% of the plant’s capacity. This blatantly violates Indian law, which states that a power company can enter into a contract only to sell the electricity that it actually generates and not its generating capacity. 

The demand for power varies drastically at various times in a day. The maximum demand is called the peak demand and the average is called the base load. Maharashtra has an arguable need for peaking power supply. The Enron contract is to provide a base load power supply. Consuming power from Enron would mean refusing to consume power already generated from existing coal plants at a fraction of the cost of the Enron power. 

On March 12, ’93, the finance ministry approached the World Bank to secure finances for the project. The report of the World Bank, dated April 30, ’93 summarily dismissed the project on purely economic terms. The report stated “LNG generation at a variable cost of about paise 150/kWh would displace coal-based power costing paise 30/kwH … an LNG-based power plant operating in base-load was not the least cost option for expanding power supply .. the suggested load increase is unproven and the proposed high forecast is not a suitable basis for evaluating the project.” 

Indian law states that the price the public pays for electricity must conform to the stipulated "least-cost" approach. The Enron project will supply electricity at Rs. 3.50-plus a unit, roughly twice the cost of Maharashtra State Electricity Board's own plants. 

Indian law limits the return on equity of power generating companies to 16%. Enron’s profit margins go up to 52% by the 15th year of production. Enron’s total return on equity is estimated at 300%. 

The Indian Electricity (Supply) Act mandates the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) to conduct a critical examination and give its approval of the technical and economic aspects of all power plants. This examination by the CEA is the only protection accorded to the public under the law. The CEA study showed reasonable capital costs for the Enron plant to be Rs. 1.91 crore per MW. Enron’s estimate is Rs. 4.49 crore per MW. Enron’s estimate is 2.2 times the cost it incurred in setting up a similar plant in Teesside, England. 

Clearly, the contract makes no sense technically or economically. 

Clearance for the contract 

The CEA, the Central Electricity Authority whose examination is the only protection to the public, repeatedly asked Enron to supply an itemized breakup of costs of components amounting to US $2.6 billion. Enron’s response was “Your request for more detailed project costs of equipment/system/works other than those provided in the capital cost summary cannot be supported and is not deemed necessary.” 

Faced with pressure on numerous fronts, the CEA abdicated its statutory responsibility to provide a techno-enonomic clearance. On Nov 12, ’93 it gave the project a technical clearance, allowing the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Power to provide the economic clearance instead. 

Public opposition 

Public opposition to the project started soon after some of the details became public. On 13 July ’94, the Opposition political party BJP filed a court case in the Bombay High Court. The challenge was based primarily on the notion that for such a huge project there ought to have been tenders and that the project had been awarded by secret negotiations. On 19 Aug ’94, the High Court ruled, “Nothing was done secretly. There was total transparency at every stage of the negotiations. We do not find any impropriety.” 

Extract from testimony of an Enron employee, Ms. Linda Powers in her sworn testimony to the Committee on Appropriations, U.S. House of Representatives: “Our company spent an enormous amount of its own money – approximately $20 million – on this education and project development process alone, not including any project costs.”  

New government wants to throw the project in the Arabian Sea 

In April ’95 a new government comprising of the BJP and Shiv Sena was elected into power mainly on the platform of allegations of corruption against the previous Sharad Pawar government in the Enron deal. The new government vowed to “throw the project in the Arabian Sea”.  

Project cancelled 

True to its word, a Cabinet sub-committee was appointed in May ’95, to review the Enron project. This committee had complete access to all the confidential files and records of the deal. After two months of detailed deliberation, the committee issued a damning indictment of the project. It unanimously recommended that the project be cancelled. 

Two days after the project was cancelled, on Aug 3rd, ’95, the Chief Minister of Maharashtra made a formal announcement on the floor of the House that the Govt had decided to “scrap Phase 1 and cancel Phase 2 of the Enron project”. 

Project reinstated and takes a turn for the worse 

On 3rd Nov ’95, the CEO of Enron, Rebecca Mark, flew into Bombay to meet Bal Thackeray, the head of Shiv Sena. On 8th Nov ’95, the Govt of Maharashtra constituted a renegotiation committee. On 19th Nov, the committee concluded these “renegotiations” and submitted a report. In 11 days, the committee claimed to have achieved significant reduction in tariff and several concessions. Every one of these claims was subsequently proven to be a lie. The contract had actually taken a turn for the worse. The second phase of the plant was optional in the first contract. This new contract made that binding also.  

Government signs counter guarantee 

A counter-guarantee to the new contract was needed from the Central Government. In May ’96, a minority govt. headed by the BJP lasted at the Center for 13 days. On the last day, while the no-confidence motion was running in the House, the cabinet met and ratified the counter-guarantee. 

The contract was sealed and Phase 1 began. 

Ensuing financial trouble for MSEB and the consumer 

The first phase comprising of 740-MW was completed in March 1999. 

Given the nature of the contract MSEB will have to purchase all the power generated even if we didn’t need it.  In October 2000, Maharashtra Energy Minister Dr Padmasingh Patil admitted that the high cost of power purchase from DPC and foreign exchange liability have further worsened the already-ailing MSEB. “the MSEB is finding it difficult to purchase the entire power from DPC's first phase of the 740-MW project.'' The MSEB recently needed an emergency grant of Rs. 862 crores.  

In the past year the MSEB requested a 20% increase in the rates paid for power by the Maharashtra consumer.  They were granted permission for a 7% increase. 

The second phase of 1444-MW comes online in July 2001. How will we pay for that?

 

 

What has been done? 

On April 6th, ’96, the Center for Indian Trade Unions (CITU) and Abhay Mehta filed a public interest writ petition against the Enron plant in the Bombay High Court.  The primary issue in the petition was that the CEA’s clearance was a breach of statute and the contract was therefore void. On Dec 2nd, the High Court issued its verdict: “This case has highlighted to the people as to how even after 50 years of independence, political considerations outweigh the public interest”. However, the Court completely sidestepped the real issues at hand and dismissed the case.  

Supreme Court refuses to take up the case 

The petitioners then took the case to the Supreme Court. In a remarkably poor display of civic responsibility, the Supreme Court has refused to take up this case until today (October 2000).  

Impact today

Maharashtra State Electricity Board (MSEB) needs an annual tariff hike of 24% to be able to pay Enron its yearly dues. This situation was predicted by the project reviews in 1994.

In 1999, MSEB submitted a proposal for a 20% tariff hike - the state regulatory board rejected this and allowed only a 6% hike. MSEB will request a 24% hike this year.

Power tariffs in Maharashtra are already amongst the highest in the world.

Industries are shutting down due to high power costs.

There has been little increase in demand for power in Maharashtra over the last 4 years.